sabroso: tasty
Nov. 4th, 2025 12:00 am| Part of speech: | adjective |
|---|---|
| Example sentence: | Esta pizza está muy sabrosa. |
| Sentence meaning: | This pizza is very tasty. |
| Part of speech: | adjective |
|---|---|
| Example sentence: | Esta pizza está muy sabrosa. |
| Sentence meaning: | This pizza is very tasty. |
In the last book he wrote before his death, Tomás Nevinson, Javier Marías reproduced a single photograph, an image credited on the copyright page to the Spanish photojournalist Pere Tordera. Marías used 297 words to describe what he saw in the photograph. He has used ekphrasis in a similar manner in several earlier books, describing in words what we can see in a photograph on the same page or a nearby page with our own eyes. What’s he doing in this description?
In this book, Nevinson is a Spaniard who thought he had retired from a career spying for England and who had returned to his position at an embassy office in Madrid. But then he is asked by his old handler to do one last job: ferret out which of three women now living in a provincial Spanish town was the fundraising mastermind behind several bloody terrorist attacks that occurred more than a decade before. For a long time, Nevinson wants to say ‘No.” He’s been away from his wife too long, he feels estranged from his children, and he is worried that he is rusty. His handler tries to convince him that this terrorist must be identified and must pay for the deaths and injuries she helped to cause in two horrific bombings in Barcelona and Zaragoza, Spain in 1987. The mention of these two events causes Nevinson to recall a photograph he saw in the press at that time. “It was just one of those images you never forget.” Marías then proceeds to have Nevinson describe and think about the photograph for a full page and a half.
At the heart of Nevinson’s recollection of the photograph is his 297-word description of what it depicts. This description occurs on the page prior to the reproduction, so we read his verbal version first.
Against a backdrop of desolation and destruction, the ground was strewn with rubble and, hanging over it all, a malignant cloud of smoke, a policeman, his tie visible beneath his uniform, and his face all bloodied, is running towards the camera carrying in his arms a little seven- or eight-year-old girl whose face is a picture of pain, pure pain. In the background – it was one of those black-and-white photographs you can’t take your eyes off of – you could see a couple, the husband with his arms around his wife, and the wife with one hand on a buggy in which her baby is still sitting, the child is, at most, a year old, and given his or her age, would forget everything it was now hearing and seeing. Elsewhere, you can see a father (I assume he’s the father) putting his arms out to another child of four or five, and beside him a taller girl, who appears to be staunchly coping on her own. What I remember most clearly, though, is the expression of the face of the young policeman, or was he perhaps a fireman, carrying the little girl. Although much of his face was covered in blood, so that you really couldn’t make out his features (the blood could have been his own or someone else’s, like the blood on the girl’s arm), his expression was a mixture of determination and profound pity, perhaps there was also an element of postponed rage and another of sheer incredulity at what he was witnessing. Determination to save the injured child he wasn’t even looking at, instead staring straight ahead, his gaze perhaps fixed straight on the hospital that he needs to reach as soon as possible. And profound pity for many possible reasons.
The very fact that this photograph is reproduced in Tomás Nevinson requires some slippage between the book’s narrator and its author. Tomás Nevinson is only remembering an image he saw ten years ago. (It’s a remarkably accurate memory, but then Nevinson has spent more than two decades risking his life on his ability to see and remember details.) It was Javier Marías who decided to have this photograph reproduced in the book so that readers could see it for themselves. I think this should prompt us to be more than a little curious about his text concerning the photograph. One of the things that Nevinson is doing in his description of the photograph quoted above is focusing our eyes on where he wants us to look. But I think Marías is intervening here, as well. Presumably, Marías saw the photograph in a somewhat better version and the image would have been clearer for him. As a result, he would have been aware that he needed to prepare the reader to pay attention to something that is nearly lost among the half-tone dots of the mediocre reproduction that his book would produce. I definitely think that is why he wanted to make sure the reader noticed that the young girl in the man’s arms has lost not only one of her sneakers but part of her left foot as well.
It might seem odd that Nevinson spends only sixteen words on the site of the bombing or on any other evidence of the terrorists’ bomb, such as the blown out car windows. If this photograph wasn’t reproduced in the book, the only thing we would know about it other than the commentary on the people in the forefront is this: “The ground was strewn with rubble and, hanging over it all, a malignant cloud of smoke.” Nevinson says absolutely nothing about a street that is lined with automobiles and buildings. Then again, we have to keep in mind the reason that Nevinson has recalled this image of a newspaper or magazine photograph from so long ago. He’s in the middle of making a very human equation. What would it take for him to go out and try to bring a terrorist to justice one more time? Apparently, property damage doesn’t enter into the equation for Nevinson, he’s only sensitive to the human cost of terrorism. Does visualizing the pained face and damaged foot of a young girl tip the scales for him? This is why Nevinson is only focusing on the human cost of the terrorist bombing that is visible in the photograph.
Nevinson’s 297-word description is embedded within a longer discussion of the photograph that takes place in his head because the photograph has led him to recall both the public horror and the political arguments that took place when ETA, the terrorist wing of the Basque Separatist Party, began bombing locations that involved children victims. As he sits and debates his own future with his handler, this factor weighs on Nevinson, but he still doesn’t make the decision to accept the job for another forty pages.
Ω
Marías/Nevinson uses nearly half of the 297-word description of the photograph to tell us about the expressions on the faces of the man and the girl in the foreground. The girl’s face, the reader is told, is “a picture of pain, pure pain.” Several phrases are used to explain what should be seen on the face of her rescuer: “a mixture of determination and profound pity” . . . “an element of postponed rage and another of sheer incredulity” . . . “Determination” . . . and, once again, “profound pity for many possible reasons.” Furthermore, the reader is told that that “his gaze [is] perhaps fixed straight on the hospital that he needs to reach as soon as possible.”
The idea that we can accurately read the emotions on other people’s faces is as old as time, but it first achieved a real scientific stamp of approval in 1872 when Charles Darwin published The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals, illustrated with numerous photographs intended to show what certain emotions looked like on a variety of faces. Most of the photographs used in the book were made by the French neurologist Guillaume Duchenne de Boulogne, who, along with his colleague, Jean-Martin Charcot, conducted experiments on patients at Paris’ Salpêtrière, a university hospital. At least two decades before he published On the Origin of Species in 1859, Darwin had begun wondering whether the psychological aspects of life were hereditary. After considerable research and consultation with psychiatrists on the subject, he became convinced that there were some core expressions that were universal among all peoples and certain animals.

As a fiction writer, Marías can make up whatever story he wishes about the events that take place within a photograph. But when he lets the reader compare the photograph to his words, he is giving us the ability to compare his ekphrastic version with what we see. I happen to be of the school that believes that it’s not always possible to accurately judge what the expressions seen on the faces in photographs are “telling” us. I’ll let you be the judge if the face of the man in the photograph represents determination, pity, rage, and incredulity.
Javier Marías’ Tomás Nevinson. Knopf, 2023. See my earlier post on this novel.
| Part of speech: | verb |
|---|---|
| Example sentence: | Nosotros tenemos que botar mucha basura. |
| Sentence meaning: | We have to throw out a lot of trash. |
| Part of speech: | noun |
|---|---|
| Example sentence: | Tú deberías llevar un paraguas al trabajo hoy. |
| Sentence meaning: | You should carry an umbrella to work today. |
| Part of speech: | verb |
|---|---|
| Example sentence: | Los muchachos se zambullen en la piscina. |
| Sentence meaning: | The boys dive in the pool. |
Los chinos no toleran bien el alcohol. De las dos enzimas responsables de descomponerlo, una es inactiva en gran parte de la población han, de modo que el proceso se detiene a mitad de camino, en el acetaldehído, una sustancia altamente tóxica. Por eso, la mayoría de las bebidas alcohólicas chinas tienen un grado bajo de alcohol, y aun así se consumen con moderación. Claro que en las reuniones masculinas no falta la típica demostración de valentía —presumir de cuánto se puede beber—, aunque dentro de límites bastante modestos.
Recuerdo mi primer viaje a China, en la Nochevieja de 1995: Pekín estaba congelado. El viento helado que soplaba desde el desierto era tan cruel que solo los frasquitos de aguardiente mongol “El Caballo de Dos Cabezas”, comprados en una tienda de las afueras, lograron mantenerme con vida durante aquellos días gélidos. Al regresar, mientras hacía cola en el aeropuerto, los agentes de seguridad descubrieron un último caballo superviviente escondido en el bolsillo de mi abrigo y quisieron confiscármelo. ¿Pero cómo iba a entregar a un amigo que me había salvado la vida? Así que destapé el frasco dispuesto a bebérmerlo allí mismo. El guardia me sujetó la mano con fuerza de hierro para impedir lo que para él debía parecer un acto suicida. Entonces mi compañero de viaje, el doctor Chen, intervino desde atrás: “Déjalo, que estos sí pueden beber.” El guardia me soltó, y sus colegas se acercaron curiosos de presenciar aquella heroicidad poco común y muy envidiada.
Los pueblos a los que los han llamaban tradicionalmente «bárbaros del sur» —los dong y los miao— son diferentes. Como nosotros, poseen la enzima que transforma el acetaldehído en ácido acético, de modo que la sustancia tóxica desaparece más o menos rápidamente del organismo. Por eso entre ellos existe una institución popular ausente entre los han: la destilería y taberna.
Una taberna dong no se parece a las nuestras. No es un lugar para charlar mientras se bebe; para eso está la torre del tambor, el centro comunitario del pueblo. El corazón de la taberna es el alambique, del que gotea continuamente el licor. ¡Y qué licor! Un aguardiente de frutas, cristalino, de 50 a 53 grados.
En lugar de taburetes o sillas, el alambique está rodeado de enormes tinajas llenas del producto final, marcadas con el carácter 酒 jiŭ, «bebida». Las jarras, junto con calabazas secas, cestas, instrumentos y carteles caligráficos, se apiñan dando al local un aire de anticuario o pequeño museo, como ocurre en Ma’an, un barrio del pueblo dong de Chengyang.
En el centro, rodeada por las tinajas como si fuera el abarrotado escritorio de un librero de viejo, hay una mesa de ceremonia del té. Pero las diminutas tazas de degustación (品茗杯 pĭn míng bēi) no se llenarán de té, sino de aguardiente. El cliente no suele beber en el local: compra el licor a granel, en jarra o botella, para compartirlo luego en casa o en algún espacio comunitario.
La decoración típica de estas tabernas incluye cráneos de buey, búfalo o yak, cuyas enormes astas ahuyentan los malos espíritus y, al mismo tiempo, son símbolo de virilidad.
Estos cráneos se consiguen a menudo a través de amigos pastores; quienes no los tienen pueden adquirirlos en las populares «tiendas del cuerno». Son comercios donde se vende de todo: recuerdos tallados en cuerno, omóplatos caligrafiados o cráneos completos con sus grandes astas.
El cartel de una de estas tiendas, en Zhaoxing, muestra cómo la caligrafía china oscila entre la imagen y la escritura. El carácter 牛 niú («buey»), estilizado hace tres mil años a partir del dibujo frontal de una cabeza de toro, vuelve aquí a ser imagen: un diseño totémico que imita la forma de los bucráneos colgados alrededor y que refuerza su aire arcaico.
Pero Zhaoxing ya no es solo territorio de los dong. Entre sus callejones porticados que bordean canales, como una pequeña Venecia, también se encuentran las tiendas regentadas por los miao, el pueblo que habita las montañas de Guizhou. Una de ellas es la 苗王 miáo wáng la «Tienda del Rey Miao», mitad anticuario, mitad bar.
Los miao no tienen ni han tenido jamás un rey: el nombre «miao» fue dado por otros pueblos, entre ellos los chinos, para agrupar tribus diversas que no formaban una sola nación. Aun así, el hombre de cabello espeso y barba abundante que aparece en las fotos de la puerta y en las botellas de licor parece de verdad un rey nómada.
En una pequeña sala hay incluso un tosco trono de madera coronado por dos cuernos, rodeado de objetos rituales miao, como si el rey fuera a recibir a sus súbditos.
Pero el trono está vacío. En ausencia del monarca, se levanta tras el mostrador un hombre que se había echado allí a dormir y que resulta ser sorprendentemente idéntico al «Rey Miao» de las fotografías. No hay sorpresa: es su nieto.
Su familia produce el Licor del Rey Miao en su aldea natal. La planta baja de la tienda se dedica a promocionarlo en distintas versiones: desde el licor joven de este año hasta el que envejecen por cuatro u ocho años y presentan en cajas de regalo. Todo ello, por supuesto, en un ambiente de anticuario muy al estilo dong.
Después de un rato de charla, me invita a subir. En el piso superior sí que hay un verdadero almacén de antigüedades al que solo acceden los iniciados o los compradores serios que desean ver más de lo que se exhibe abajo. Desenrolla un antiguo rollo taoísta: el sabio representado también se parece de forma increíble tanto a él como a su abuelo.
Ya en la planta baja, saca una preciosa túnica antigua bordada con hilos de oro y dragones. Se me hace la boca agua al verla, aunque no me atrevo a preguntar el precio. Se la pone, se ajusta un turbante miao y posa ante el retrato de su abuelo, con la pipa del ancestro en la mano.
Por el espectáculo, me parece justo comprarle una botella del Licor del Rey Miao de ocho años, en su caja decorativa. Doscientos yuanes, unos veinte euros. También pido catorce vasitos, para compartirlo con mis compañeros de viaje. Los alcanzo en un restaurante dong especializado en pescado. El veredicto es unánime: es el mejor licor que hemos probado jamás en China.
The Chinese can’t really hold their liquor. Of the two enzymes responsible for breaking down alcohol, one is inactive in a large part of the Han population, which means alcohol metabolism stops halfway—at acetaldehyde, a highly toxic substance. That’s why most Chinese alcoholic drinks are low in alcohol, and even those are consumed sparingly. Of course, men’s gatherings include the usual displays of bravado, the ritual of proving one’s drinking prowess—but within modest limits.
I remember my first trip to China, on New Year’s Eve 1995, when Beijing was bitterly cold. The icy wind blowing from the desert was so brutal that only the little bottles of Mongolian “Two-Headed Horse” brandy, bought at a suburban store, kept me alive through those freezing days. As I was queuing at the airport on the way back, security spotted one last hidden survivor in my coat pocket and wanted to confiscate it. But how could I give up my friend—the one who had saved my life? So I twisted off the cap, determined to drink it right there. The security officer grabbed my hand in an iron grip to stop what to him must have seemed a suicidal act. But then my travel companion, Dr. Chen, spoke up behind me: “Let him—these people can drink.” The officer let go, and soon his colleagues gathered around, eager to witness this rare and enviable feat.
The peoples traditionally called “southern barbarians” by the Han—the Dong and the Miao—are a different story. Like us, they have the enzyme that converts acetaldehyde into acetic acid, which quickly neutralizes the toxin. So in their villages, you find something you won’t find among the Han: the distillery and tavern.
A Dong tavern is not like ours. It’s not a place for chatting over drinks—that’s what the drum tower, the Dong community center, is for. The heart of the tavern is the still itself, from which the liquor drips continuously. And what a liquor! Crystal clear, a fruit spirit of 50 to 53 percent alcohol.
Instead of bar stools, the distiller’s work is surrounded by enormous ceramic jars bearing the calligraphic character 酒 jiŭ, meaning “drink.” The jars, along with the gourds, baskets, instruments, and inscriptions, fill the room with the atmosphere of an antique shop or a small museum—like in Ma’an, a neighborhood of Chengyang, a Dong village.
In the middle, surrounded by the jars, like an antiquarian’s desk stands a table used for tea ceremonies—except here, the tiny tasting cups (品茗杯 pĭn míng bēi) are filled not with tea but with spirits. Guests don’t usually drink on the spot; instead, they buy the liquor by the jar or bottle to take home and share with friends or drink together in a communal setting.
A key element of Dong tavern décor is the skull of an ox, buffalo, or yak—its massive horns both warding off evil and symbolizing masculinity.
Such skulls are often acquired from herder friends; those without such connections can find them in one of the popular “horn shops.” These sell everything from small horn trinkets to large shoulder blades carved with calligraphy—and even full-sized horned skulls.
The shop signs themselves are small masterpieces. The signboard of a horn shop in Zhaoxing, for example, shows how Chinese calligraphy oscillates between image and script. The ancient character 牛 niú (“ox”), which was stylized from a frontal drawing of a bull’s head some three thousand years ago, here becomes an image again—a totem-like design echoing the shapes of the horned skulls hanging around it and reinforcing their archaic power.
But Zhaoxing today is not only home to Dong distilleries. Among its arcaded lanes, which run along the canals like in Venice, you’ll also find shops run by the Miao people, who live in the surrounding mountains of Guizhou province. One such place is the 苗王 miáo wáng or “Miao King” antique shop and bar.
Of course, the Miao never had a king—how could they, when the name “Miao” itself was given by outsiders to a collection of tribes who never considered themselves one people? Still, the bearded, broad-shouldered man who appears in photos on the shop’s door and on its bottles truly looks like the ruler of some ancient nomadic nation.
Inside, there’s even a small hall with a roughly carved wooden throne, naturally crowned with horns and surrounded by ceremonial Miao artifacts—as if the king were about to receive his loyal subjects.
But the throne now stands empty. Instead, a man rises from behind the counter—he had been napping there—bearing a striking resemblance to the Miao King in the photographs. As it turns out, he’s the king’s grandson.
Their family business, The Miao King’s Liquor, is distilled in their Miao home village. The shop’s ground floor is devoted to promoting it in all varieties—from this year’s fresh batch to the four- and eight-year aged editions, sold in elegant gift boxes. The décor, of course, continues the antique-shop aesthetic so popular in Dong taverns.
After a while, he invites me upstairs. The upper floor turns out to be a real antiques warehouse, accessible only to the initiated—serious buyers tempted by what they’ve seen downstairs. He unrolls an old Taoist scroll painting, and the sage depicted bears a startling resemblance to both him and his grandfather.
Back on the ground floor, he takes out a gorgeous old robe embroidered with gold thread and dragons. My mouth waters at the sight, though I don’t dare ask the price. He puts it on, wraps a Miao turban around his head, and poses before his grandfather’s portrait—puffing the old man’s pipe.
For the performance, I feel obliged to buy a bottle of the eight-year Miao King’s Liquor, in its decorative box. Two hundred yuan—about twenty euros. I also ask for fourteen small cups, to share it with my travel companions. I catch up with them in a Dong fish restaurant, where we unanimously agree: it’s the best spirit we’ve ever tasted in China.

| Part of speech: | noun |
|---|---|
| Example sentence: | Hay muchos peces en el mar. |
| Sentence meaning: | There are a lot of fish in the sea. |
| Part of speech: | adjective |
|---|---|
| Example sentence: | Para mis hijos el circo es entretenido, pero para mí no. |
| Sentence meaning: | The circus is entertaining for my kids, but not for me. |